This article was originally published in July 2024 in Labour List.
In its progress report released today, the Climate Change Committee (CCC) has been clear that increased climate action is necessary as “only a third of the emissions reductions required… are currently covered by credible plans.”
The CCC went further, affirming that the previous government’s roll-backs were damaging, without evidence “that dialling back ambition would reduce costs to citizens.”
With the lifting of the ban on onshore wind and the official announcement of GB Energy, it is clear that the Labour government is keen to get on with tackling the climate emergency, delivering clean, green power and reducing bills.
Councils don’t want to be bystanders in the race to net zero. Across the UK, local leaders stand ready to be partners in delivering a climate resilient Britain – but will need support to do so.
The Labour manifesto and the King’s Speech proposed sensible and effective policies that will help councils get back on their feet and take more effective climate action:
Multi-year funding settlements, allowing councils to budget more effectively an end to competitive bidding greater devolution as part of the biggest ever transfer of powers from “Whitehall to Town Hall”, including powers to improve bus networks.
However, the CCC has stated that “the UK should now be in a phase of rapid investment and delivery.” From Whitehall to Town Hall it needs to be all hands on deck.
Another policy that would support councils to deliver increased climate action, one that Labour have left out of the conversation so far, is a climate statutory duty, or duties, for councils.
This is surprising as the last time English councils had three national performance indicators on climate was in 2008-2010. Councils were measured on CO2 reduction from their operations; per capita reduction across their area; and adapting to climate change.
Of course, the Scottish government introduced a climate statutory duty for councils in 2009 and the Welsh Labour government, through the 2015 Wales Future Generations Act, includes goals to create a low-carbon society for all of the public sector.
The rationale underpinning the 2008 indicators was that “action by local authorities is likely to be critical to the achievement of Government’s climate change objectives”. This is the same rationale for why we need a climate statutory duty in 2024.
The role of local government:
Councils are well placed to develop tailored solutions for their areas, and a statutory duty capitalises on this potential.
However, there’s a real risk that councils will fail to reach their net zero targets, further jeopardising the UK’s net zero goal. As a 2024 Local Government Association survey revealed, “67% of councils were very or fairly unconfident” they would achieve their net zero target.
A statutory duty would empower all English councils to get back on track with their net zero targets driving the UK towards the government’s 2030 emissions target.
It would make addressing climate change a legal requirement rather than just a voluntary commitment, driving greater accountability and ensuring all councils are working towards shared goals in a consistent, coordinated way.
With climate responsibilities codified in law, local authorities would be more likely to prioritise sustainability in decision-making, allocate necessary resources and ensure that climate action teams and projects are protected.
Given the current state of local government’s finances, there is a particular risk of climate teams being axed, as well as the excellent work they are trying to deliver.
This chimes with climate officers from across England. In 2021, climate officers stated that the main challenge to securing expertise and increasing skills at their council was “short-term funding necessitating 12-month contracts.”
Setting priorities:
Making climate action a statutory duty would create the conditions needed for long-term climate action and mean councils can revive the momentum created in 2019, when the wave of climate emergency declarations took place.
A legal duty also allows for transparent and robust benchmarks to track progress, improving reporting on climate action and emissions reductions, with the sector currently without a standardised model for reporting either council or area-wide emissions.
If a statutory duty was implemented correctly it would also provide the framework for councils and the UK government to understand their respective roles in reducing emissions – a long-term ask of the CCC.
Councils are starting to call for a statutory duty themselves. The District Council Network, in their General Election prospectus recently joined London Councils, and ADEPT who have called for a statutory duty on climate change since 2022.
Labour does mention a statutory duty for councils: a local growth duty. Currently, there is no mention of meeting net zero as part of the duty, but with Labour’s commitment to green growth we hope to see this amended.
One of the main arguments against making climate action a statutory duty is whether it is sensible to require more duties from increasingly fragile councils. This argument misses the key point that councils are already trying to implement climate plans and policies.
Climate Emergency UK (CE UK) have been tracking council climate action since 2019, with 87% of councils having declared a climate emergency and 83% having climate action plans in place.
The Council Climate Action Scorecards, CE UK’s assessment of council climate action, demonstrates that councils are trying to build net zero homes, retrofitting their council stock, and making climate a corporate priority.
We also know that, given the average score for councils in the Scorecards was 32%, there is room for improvement.
Labour can let councils continue to struggle to take climate action, or, by implementing a climate statutory duty, can ensure councils become the vehicle for the “rapid policy action” and delivery that the CCC has called for today.
JOIN
our mailing list